As the World Bank and International Monetary Fund host the Spring Meetings in Washington this week, Africa’s development priorities hang in the balance.

With no high-level discussions on climate or gender — issues that are central to the continent’s growth and resilience — the agenda seems increasingly disconnected from the systemic challenges facing African nations. Instead, the focus remains on "Jobs and Macroeconomics," a framing that recalls the failed structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) of the 1980s and 90s.

Under the guise of growth and stability, these policies imposed austerity, deregulation and fiscal cuts that decimated public services, deepened inequality and burdened Africa with unsustainable debt. The current direction threatens to repeat this damaging legacy, while the institutions responsible for financing fossil fuel expansion and undermining climate resilience evade accountability.

In this context, Mission 300, launched at the Africa Energy Summit in Dar es Salaam in January, stands as a critical initiative. Led by the World Bank, African Development Bank (AfDB), African Union, and the government of Tanzania, Mission 300 aims to provide electricity to 300 million people across Africa by 2030.

But ambition without justice is not progress. And promises without integrity are not solutions. The truth is, Mission 300 risks becoming just another top-down, donor-driven project that fails to answer the fundamental question: whose development, on whose terms, and at what cost?

In line with this year’s Spring Meetings’ theme "Jobs and Macroeconomics,” we must critically assess whether Mission 300 will create clean, sustainable jobs that benefit communities across Africa. Will it empower young people in rural Kenya or women in informal settlements in Ghana — or will they be concentrated in urban industrial corridors and foreign contractor payrolls?

According to the International Renewable Energy Agency (Irena), Africa accounts for only 3 percent of global renewable energy jobs, despite its vast potential and growing population. If Mission 300 is to reverse this trend, it must move beyond megaprojects and pipelines, and instead prioritise community-led, decentralised energy systems that generate not just electricity but equitable, decent work rooted in local contexts.

Yet, early indications are troubling. The inclusion of fossil gas as a transitional energy source — backed by the World Bank and reflected in Senegal’s National Energy Compact — is a signal that the same polluting industries responsible for destabilising our climate are being rebranded as part of the solution.

Natural gas may offer short-term job spikes during construction, but these are neither green nor future-proof jobs. Moreover, the International Energy Agency has made it clear that no new oil and gas fields are compatible with net-zero by 2050.

The financing model raises equally serious concerns. Much of the funding promised under Mission 300 comes in the form of concessional loans. Even at a one percent interest rate over 40 years, this is debt — and for a continent where 40 countries face rising debt levels, and at least 19 are at high risk of debt distress, adding more liabilities to public balance sheets to fund fossil-dependent infrastructure is not development — it is exploitation.

African nations sink deeper into debt crisis. Their external debt has reached a staggering $11.4 trillion in 2023. According to a report by Christian Aid, across Africa, 32 countries now spend more on debt than healthcare, with $85 billion paid to external creditors in 2023, projected to increase to $104 billion in 2024.

As debt burdens grow heavier across the continent, the wave of billion-dollar pledges and commitments deserves careful attention.

The Africa Energy Summit generated headlines with pledges of over $5 billion from donors like the Rockefeller Foundation, AIIB, and Islamic Development Bank, but bigger numbers don’t always mean better outcomes.

With over $50 billion now committed to Mission 300, including $48 billion from the AfDB and World Bank by 2030, there is still no public guarantee of how these funds will be deployed.

This lack of transparency and the sidelining of critical climate concerns only amplifies the deeper contradictions within the World Bank/IMF policies and deeply alarms African civil society and vulnerable communities in Africa.

The World Bank committed at the 2023 Annual Meetings in Marrakech to a new mission: A liveable planet, in addition to poverty eradication. This new vision is now marginalised possibly due to fears of withdrawal by the Trump administration, revealing a major contradiction.

Regarding climate finance, Bretton Woods institutions must strengthen their climate financing capacities, particularly in ways that don’t create additional barriers for developing countries. The September 2024 report on MDB’s Joint Report on climate finance shows that MDBs contributed a record $125 billion in 2023.

But these funds often come in the form of debt and non-concessional finance, which limits the fiscal space of developing countries already struggling with climate impacts and high debt levels. There is an urgent need to significantly increase grant-based and highly concessional finance within their portfolios.

Gender has also been sidelined in World Bank discussions for far too long. Despite the Bank’s ambitious Gender Strategy for 2024-30, which promises to prioritise gender equality in global development, the reality remains far removed from these claims. Women’s needs, particularly in vital sectors like energy access, continue to be neglected.

Nearly 900 million people in Africa still rely on harmful biomass for cooking, and the burden falls disproportionately on women. This is not merely a climate or environmental issue— it’s a health crisis, a significant economic vulnerability, and an unaddressed inequality. Reliance on polluting fuels costs $791.4 billion annually, with health-related impacts accounting for $526.3 billion.

The Spring Meetings must be seized as a turning point. While the hopes may be tempered by the complexities and challenges ahead, giving up is worse. Expectations are low, given the history of unfulfilled promises and empty rhetoric. Yet, this moment presents a critical opportunity for African leaders to reject outdated models of debt-driven growth, fossil-fuelled development, and gender-blind planning.

Dr Wafa Misrar is the Campaign and Policy Officer at CAN Africa, and Said Skounti is a researcher at IMAL Initiative.

In Uganda, there is a similarity between this year’s Easter week and that of 1979 – unstable power supply. In 1979, the blackouts were related to an external (military) force entering Uganda; today they are related to an external (business) force exiting Uganda.

The war that removed Uganda’s military government with the overrunning of Kampala on April 11 had started six months earlier in Kagera, the north-western region of Tanzania.

On the eve of Uganda’s Independence Day, October 8, 1978, the Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces finally returned the fire to the plundering Uganda Army which had earlier invaded and annexed Kagera region, even provocatively naming a Ugandan district commissioner for it.

In February 1979 as the war advanced northwards on Ugandan soil, the country started experiencing power blackouts. Rumours attributed this to sabotage by Ugandan guerrillas working with Tanzanians to overthrow President Idi Amin.

By the time of the Catholic Centenary in Uganda on February 17, power cuts had become daily. Guests from all over the world including the main celebrant from the Vatican (it was a world Catholic event courtesy of the 22 Uganda Martyrs) had a taste of what celebrating amid wartime darkness is like.

As Amin fled eastwards after losing power on April 11, a new fear arose over the safety of Owen Falls Dam at Jinja and its vital bridge that connects Mombasa/Kenya to Kampala.

For in his last broadcasts over Radio Uganda, he had promised dire consequences should he lose power to invaders and their “unpatriotic collaborators”. However, Amin passed Jinja without blowing up the dam and exited Uganda to exile where he died peacefully 25 years later.

After Amin’s exit that 46 years ago threatened to reduce Uganda’s hydro electricity generation from 150MW to 0, the country’s generation continued deteriorating for two decades, until the Museveni government with partners like HH The Aga Khan got production capacity growing again and has now grown 15 times higher to over 2,000MW.

Partnering with the Commonwealth Development Corporation, Uganda expanded power distribution that had shrunk due to a deteriorating grid network, now 10 times up from 250,000 to now 2.5million connections.

Then this April, with the exit of the CDC-led distribution consortium called Umeme, the long-forgotten power outages returned, hopefully temporarily. But citizens aged 50 and above can relate this Easter season to the power cuts of April 1979 when Amin was exiting.

Read: Uganda scrambles to fund Umeme exit as deadline looms

The power cuts related to the Umeme exit of March 31 could have been due to two or more reasons. First, the expected physical stripping by junior technicians unsure of their jobs under new management could have ‘disappeared’ a few kilometres of wire from the grid and a few thousand litres of transformer oils and other consumables.

Second is the stalled investment in grid maintenance (which should be constant) that must have arisen during the lengthy uncertain transition when the distributor was on the way out.

The replacement —the state agency for whose mandate Umeme had been executing —the Uganda Electricity Distribution and Corporation Ltd (UEDCL) — is subject to government procurement procedures that are lengthy and bureaucratic.

But grid maintenance and expansion are all about procuring transformers, wires, poles and securing passage across thousands of kilometres, period.

Last week UEDCL was engaging the government procurement agency to waive bureaucratic delays, otherwise the vultures that influence public tenders can reverse the gains of grid expansion and consistent power supply backwards by three decades in a short time, aggravating inconsistent lighting this Easter to widespread blackouts by Christmas and total darkness by the time of the general election time next year. We don’t want that, do we?

Buwembo is a Kampala-based journalist. Email: [email protected]

In 1977, Kenya police banned the performance of Ngaahika Ndeenda by Ngugi wa Thiong’o and Ngugi wa Mirii. The actors were small-scale farmers and workers in and around Kamirithu Village.

The play, directed by Kimani Gecau, was performed in an open-air makeshift theatre in the middle of the village. Before its stoppage, thousands of people had travelled from afar to watch the play.

The play showed how the church allied with the political class to keep the poor in subjugation. It narrated the story of how ordinary people rose up against British colonialism. It disputed the depiction of African culture as savage.

The play showed that the anti-colonial ideals were the true basis for a more progressive and democratic country. The play utilised the dramatic resources of art to tell its multi-themed story.

The banning of the play was the less harsh response by Jomo Kenyatta’ s regime. Ngugi wa Thiong’o was abducted at night and detained without trial at Kamiti Maximum Security Prison.

Kimani and Mirii evaded a police dragnet and escaped into exile. Later, the police descended on the theatre in Kamirithu and in avenging fury razed it to the ground.

In 2022, Ngaahika Ndeenda was performed at the Kenya National Theatre. I took my Gen-Z daughter and nephew to watch the performance. I listened carefully to their assessment. They remarked on the dramatic and comedic elements.

Neither of them said they were inspired to commandeer a tank to storm government buildings. We emerged from the theatre to find throngs of mostly young people excitedly debating the merits and demerits of the performance.

The play was an artistic experience, not a call to arms. If there was any revolutionary seed planted, it was in their understanding of history, and the hypocrisy of individuals and society.

History has repeated itself. A few days ago, armed Kenya police raided the venue of a secondary schools' drama festival to stop the rehearsal and performance of a play.

Echoes of War by Cleophas Malala was to be performed by Butere Girls School. Police threw tear gas to disperse the girls and reporters.

Echoes of War talks about the cultural and political divide between the older and younger generations. The characters decry bad governance.

Like their real-life Gen-Z counterparts, the characters use social media to criticise bad governance and corruption. In the end, the dictator in the play agrees to listen to his youthful critics, and they all resolve to work together for the good of the country.

Echoes of War, like Ngaahika Ndeenda, does not call for violent rebellion. The play is a simple dramatisation of normal political discourse we have daily on TV and radio. Only fully fledged or fledgling dictatorships can be so thin-skinned.

The violent overreaction even embarrassed the ODM side of the regime. Had the regime allowed the play, we might never have heard of it, and Ruto’s regime would not have dug itself even deeper in the hole of ignominy.

Tee Ngugi is a Nairobi-based political and social commentator.

Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have agreed to refrain from providing state military support to each other’s non-state armed groups within and across their borders, in a declaration of principles signed under the auspices of a US-brokered agreement on Friday.

The agreement, signed in Washington and facilitated by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, opens the door to a possible peace deal between the two countries, which have long traded accusations of backing each other’s rebels.

Both countries agreed to “commit to explore the establishment of a joint security coordination mechanism to counter non-state armed groups and criminal organisations that threaten the Participants’ legitimate security concerns,” according to part of the agreement.

In the deal, which is seen as a way to halt hostilities in the restive eastern DRC region, both countries also pledged to “mutually acknowledge each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and commit to a pathway to resolve their disputes by peaceful means grounded in diplomacy and negotiation rather than hostile force or rhetoric.”

The agreement comes two days after a Qatar-mediated face-to-face dialogue between AFC/M23 rebels and the DRC government, which resulted in both parties agreeing to a ceasefire.

Read: Hope and frustration: Congo, M23 rebels agree ceasefire in Qatar

Rwanda has been widely accused of backing the M23 rebels, who have overrun and captured two major cities in eastern DRC – Goma and Bukavu – in the past three months and showed no signs of slowing down.

The latest development is seen as a major reprieve, especially for the people of eastern DRC, who have known no peace for years, with hundreds of thousands living in internally displaced camps.

As part of the Declaration of Principles, the two sides also committed to facilitating the safe and voluntary return of internally displaced persons to their original places of residence in eastern DRC, as well as Congolese refugees.

The DRC and Rwanda also committed to drafting a peace deal by May 2, a goal that now seems within reach given the recent thawing of hostilities and rhetoric from all parties.

“Today marks not an end but a beginning, a necessary step towards peace taken with resolve and purpose. This moment carries particular weight for the Democratic Republic of the Congo,” said DRC Foreign Affairs Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner after signing the declaration.

“In Goma, in Bukavu, and beyond, the reality of displacement, insecurity, and hardship continues. For us, the urgency of this initiative is not theoretical, it is human.

“We are clear in the Great Lakes region: peace must come first, followed by the rebuilding of trust, and then — only when conditions are right — the careful reopening of a path to meaningful bilateral cooperation. Too many past efforts have failed because sequencing was ignored and accountability postponed,” she added.

Rwanda’s Foreign Affairs Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe noted that the agreement marks an important step towards addressing the region’s existing security concerns, which, if tackled, could unlock its economic potential.

“Today, we are talking about the real issues, the root causes that must be addressed to achieve a lasting peace in our region. Those include, first and foremost, security, as well as the return of refugees.

“In addition, and very importantly, we are discussing how to build new regional economic value chains that link our countries, including with American private sector investment. Our goal is a secure region, free of violent ethnic extremism, which is well-governed. Working together, our region can be an engine of prosperity for all our peoples, and indeed Africa as a whole,” said Mr Nduhungirehe.

Securing the eastern part of the DRC is expected to unlock significant investment opportunities, “including those facilitated by the US government and US private sector, aimed at transforming the regional economy to the benefit of all participating countries.”

The US recently signed a minerals deal with the DRC and is reported to be pursuing a similar agreement with Rwanda. Addressing the hostilities in the mineral-rich region — home to resources such as tantalum and gold — is seen as key to securing US government investments and interests in the Great Lakes region.

Belgium said on Friday that while it still considers Rwanda a key player in the region and well-placed to resolve the conflict in eastern Congo, it cannot be complacent about Rwanda’s violation of Congo’s territorial integrity.

Maxime Prévot, Belgium’s Vice-Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, European Affairs and Development Cooperation, said this during a meeting with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni.

While the Belgian official sought President Museveni’s tact in defusing the crisis in eastern Congo, it is also understood that the meeting was double-barrelled, seeking the veteran Ugandan leader’s reach to mend relations between Belgium and Rwanda.

In his own words, Mr Prévot described President Museveni as “a very valuable go-between in diplomatic contacts.”

At a press conference in Kampala, Mr Prévot, who is on a tour of Uganda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), said he had met Mr Museveni first to tap into his knowledge of the region and the respect he commands among his peers — qualities Belgium views as key to resolving the conflict in eastern Congo and fostering rapprochement between Belgium and Rwanda.

The Belgian foreign minister’s itinerary skips Rwanda, following the recent diplomatic fallout between Kigali and Brussels, which saw Kigali sever ties with Belgium.

“Unfortunately, it is at this stage no longer possible for me to visit Rwanda following its decision to break down our diplomatic relations. I explained to President Museveni that there is a lot of disinformation about this situation. A breakdown of diplomatic relations is not a solution to divergent views,” Mr Prévot said.

Read: Rwanda and Belgium expel each other’s diplomats over Congo conflict

The two leaders discussed the current state of the conflict in eastern DRC, a situation that remains extremely precarious, with the local population paying the price every day. They agreed there is urgent need to act.

“During the meeting, I also underlined that the root causes of the conflict must be addressed in order to break the cycle of violence,” he added.

The Belgian official explained that respecting the territorial integrity of all countries in the region, promoting regional economic integration, resolving refugee issues, ending the threat posed by the FDLR, combating hate speech targeting specific communities, and improving governance and respect for human rights would help de-escalate the conflict and the tension between the DRC and Rwanda.

FDLR is the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, a Hutu rebel group that includes perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide and is active in eastern Congo.

On relations with Kigali, Mr Prévot said Brussels believes there is always room for dialogue and a better understanding of each other’s perspectives, noting that even with the Russian Federation under sanctions after Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine, Belgium has maintained diplomatic relations, albeit at a more limited level.

However, the Belgian chief diplomat said his country cannot be complacent about Rwanda’s violation of the DRC’s territorial integrity, although Belgium is not seeking an escalation of the situation.

Belgium said it welcomed the announcement by the DRC and rebel group M23/AFC to work towards a truce and a ceasefire leading to dialogue to restore lasting peace in the mineral-rich and conflict-plagued eastern Congo.

At the same time, a further boost of positive news came from Washington, where the foreign ministers of the DRC and Rwanda signed a declaration of principles under the auspices of the US, which recently struck deals with Kinshasa to help end the crisis in eastern Congo.

Brussels says these are crucial steps towards ending the violence, and also hails the mediation efforts of Qatar, the African Union, and regional blocs East African Community and Southern African Development Community.

A close coordination of these initiatives is of the utmost importance, the Belgian embassy in Kampala said in a statement issued after the meeting between Mr Prévot and President Museveni.

“The Belgian position will continue to be anchored in respect for international law, human rights and the rule of law,” the statement added.

The Congolese Minister for Information and Communication Patrick Muyaya spoke with Jackson Mutinda on peace in eastern DRC and why Kinshasa is frustrated with some of the processes.

First, let’s talk about the security situation in eastern Congo. How is it now?

We cannot say that the situation is good while our population is under occupation by Rwandan military and M23. Because, on daily basis, there are reports of human rights abuse and violations and attack on civilians. So, we cannot say the situation is good.

So, what is the government or military doing about the situation?

The question, actually, is not at the military level, because we have a diplomatic process. If you read the last resolution of the United Nations (Security Council), it’s clear that it’s not the military. So, we are working on diplomatic ways to find a quick way to make sure our police and army get back to Goma and Bukavu and other parts of these (Kivu) provinces to handle the security of our population.

I understand that the Qatar process has broken down. What happened?

I don’t think the discussions have broken down. I don’t know why this is being said, but we need to refer to the mediation. You remember the President (Tshisekedi), and President Kagame met with the Emir, the leader of Qatar (Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani) and a statement was made.

I don’t know the status, but in our perspective, we met in Qatar following the meeting of both presidents and the conversation went well. We expect to see more progress on the ground. Currently, there is respect of the ceasefire, there is no confrontation.

Read: Hope and frustration: Congo, M23 rebels agree ceasefire in Qatar

Aren’t there too many peace processes going on? Which one are you really working with: Qatar, EAC-SADC, AU?

There is one process -- what is happening in Qatar. And what is happening currently under the Togolese president (Faure Gnassingbé) has the same objective.

In Qatar, there’s direct conversation between security experts from the (DRC) government and people from M23, and I think this will be connected, because, you know, in the past, we had, the Luanda Process under the Angolan president, who has been replaced by the Togolese president, and we have the Nairobi Process.

One part of the Nairobi Process travelled to Qatar to make sure we are moving quickly to bring back peace in this part of our country. So, there is one process with only one objective -- to bring back peace in eastern part of the country.

Now we have a new (AU) mediator, the Togo president. Some critics wonder if he will succeed where Lourenço and Uhuru Kenyatta failed.

Well, I’m not sure both processes failed. Because there are things, agreements, programmes… We cannot just wake up and say in Luanda there’s nothing. Today, we have the foundation of what can bring definitive solutions. But one thing is critical in this process: political will. Because, if the Rwandan president had the political will I think on December 15 (2024), an agreement would have been signed (in Luanda). I hope, this time, with the mediation of the Togolese president, things will move in good direction.

Read: Togo’s President Gnassingbé walks into Great Lakes region powder keg

There have been fears among countries whose embassies were attacked in Kinshasa in January. Has the situation been resolved?

First, we, as government condemned those acts of violence against the embassies. Some of our populations can be really mad about the situation, but we cannot condone attacks on embassies. My colleague from Foreign Affairs had occasion to speak with all the affected countries to express our apologies about what happened. Today, the situation is totally different.

Kenya was demanding compensation for the property destroyed. How is that going?

Those type of questions are under my Foreign Affairs colleague, but you saw that there was a Congolese delegation that went to see President Ruto. And that’s why Kenya’s role is very critical. You said that the Nairobi Process failed. If this process failed, it’s a failure of Kenya.

President Ruto has political will to deliver. When he speaks publicly, he says that he’s committed to peace, but you cannot be committed to peace just by saying it -- you need to act. Maybe he should act more, as should all the heads of state in the region, so we can move quickly to achieve the peace we want for the region.

Yea, Nairobi hosted (AFC leader Corneille) Nangaa when he launched the Congo River Alliance, and (Joseph) Kabila was here this year to meet with his party leaders. How do you take that for a country that is supposed to be negotiating for peace?

Nangaa started his movement in Nairobi. We made it clear we cannot accept that a country we’ve been working with to bring back peace in the region was chosen as the country where another rebellion was being launched. This is not acceptable, and we made that clear, and I hope people in Kenya are watching where it’s going. President Ruto is committed for peace, the most important thing is to see him act.

The return of former President Kabila in Congo seems to have brought a new dimension to the conflict…

We all know that President Kabila, when he decided to come back, came to support M23. He made a statement, justifying what M23 is doing. It’s just incredible to see that the president will be fighting with those proxies he fought against years when he was in power. Today, he’s backing them. It’s a big contradiction.

So why has government sanctioned his party?

Because we all know that he’s not working for himself, and there is some intelligence that there is a link between him and AFC.

Read: Congo suspends former president Joseph Kabila’s political party

And why is his property being seized?

I cannot comment on that because it in under Justice, and I think they will come out and explain what is going on with that.

Let’s talk about the American role in in the Congo. We have read that after Trump’s Special Adviser visited, there is a deal between Congo and America for America to support peace and Congo to provide minerals, is that the correct position?

I would like to remind you that there is a very old relationship between the United States and Congo. We signed one contract for a mining site. Dr (Massad) Boulos made it clear to the President Kagame that he should withdraw his troops from eastern DRC and stop supporting M23.

Read: Congo, Rwanda take step towards peace with US accord amid mineral talks

So where does the US private military contractor Erik Prince fit in all this?

I don’t have any details on that matter.

Read: US Blackwater founder Erik Prince reaches deal with Congo to secure mines

Now, a while back, you spoke about the hopes of Kinshasa in joining the EAC. What is your assessment? Has DR Congo gained anything from the East African bloc?

When President Tshisekedi decided to join East African Community, some Congolese were not happy. So why the President make that decision? Because he believes we should connect our populations.

But you cannot attack a country you’re in an organisation with. We cannot talk about business, about the economy, about sharing, about connection between countries, because we have war, and I think it’s crucial for the leaders of the East African Community to work to make sure the peace is back.

Once the peace will be back in the region, it will be good for the EAC because one of its top objectives is to see people do business in the region. But you cannot do business, you cannot become prosperous in a region where there is war.

Final thoughts?

We as DRC are committed to work closely with all the African countries, especially from East African Community, and especially Kenya, to strengthen our economic relationship and move forward. For example, there is two main Kenyan banks here in DRC and this should be considered by the Kenyan administration when taking some decisions.

Because it’s very critical to keep our economic relations good for our two populations. So I hope that all the stakeholders, especially on the Kenyan side, will continue to work to bring back peace.

Congolese and South Sudanese this week joined the world in mourning Pope Francis, who died early in the week.

As he is buried on Saturday, citizens of the two countries that formed the itinerary of his last trip on African soil couldn’t help but feel a tinge of guilt.

Pope Francis visited the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) from January 31 to February 3, 2023, as part of a larger trip to Africa that also included South Sudan, where he urged the leadership of the two nations to embrace peace. This was his first visit to the DRC since 1985.

He died on Easter Monday at the age of 88 at his residence in the Vatican’s Casa Santa Marta, without seeing the fruit of the great effort he made to bring the warring sides together during the apostolic tour Peace Pilgrimage.

If anything, at the time of his death, the tensions were higher in both nations than when he toured them.

In the DR Congo, violence has spread in the east as the rebel movement AFC/M23 took control of vast territory in the resource-rich North and South Kivu provinces.

In the Congolese capital Kinshasa, Pope Francis met survivors and victims of the atrocities of the war in eastern DRC and heard emotional testimonies from victims of violence in North and South Kivu and Ituri since the late 1990s.

Men, women and children, some with amputated arms took turns to testify about their woes.

Women narrated how they had been made sexual slaves by rebels or armed groups, and many had seen their relatives killed or mutilated in front of them.

The Pope was “shocked by this inhumane violence.” He said that “the violence has gone on long enough, and it must stop”.

He condemned “armed violence, the massacres and the bloody and illegal exploitation of Congo’s wealth and the attempt to partition the country”.

“The war is fuelled by internal and external forces for profit and advantage,” the Holy Father said, describing the war as “partisan struggles where ethnic and territorial dynamics are intertwined”.

In reference to the conflict with its neighbour Rwanda, Pope Francis urged “all those who live in the DRC to commit themselves to building a better future”.

Read: Pope to DRC: Peace won't fall from the sky

As he celebrated Mass at the Ndolo Airport attended by President Félix Tshisekedi and the political class he said: “Peace will not fall from the sky… A new future will come about if the other, whether Tutsi or Hutu, is no longer an adversary or enemy, but a brother or sister”.

This was a clear reference to part played by the M23 rebels, a Tutsi-led group, in the conflict. Knowing the context of escalation between the DRC and its neighbour Rwanda and even the distrust that some in Congo have of Uganda, the Pope said that “a neighbour is a brother”.

“Brothers and sisters, your neighbours are your brothers. All your neighbours are your brothers, whether they are Burundians, Ugandans or Rwandans,” Francis said.

“Peace is possible, let us believe in it and work for it. This country will not have peace until it is achieved in its eastern part,” he added.

One can only imagine his disappointment when war broke out in the Kivus early this year.

“Kissed our feet”

On February 3, 2023, the Holy Father set off for Juba, whose leaders he had been engaging with to end the animosity that had borne a five-year civil war that dissipated with the signing of the 2018 peace deal.

Pope Francis earlier in 2019 invited President Salva Kiir and his nemesis First Vice-President Riek Machar to the Vatican where he kissed their feet in a rare gesture imploring them to embrace peace.

Soon after returning back from the Vatican following the meeting with the Pope, President Kiir told his country’s parliament in Juba, that he was shocked and shaken by the Pope’s gesture.

“I was shocked and trembled when His Holiness the Pope kissed our feet. It was a blessing and can be a curse if we play games with the lives of our people,” President Kiir told parliament then.

The Pope, through his envoy, Monsignor Mark Kadima, organised the two to visit the Vatican.

The cleric, who is now bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Bungoma, Kenya, had been First Counsellor (Chargé d’Affaires) of the nunciature in South Sudan.

He remembers the meeting in which the Pope urged President Kiir and Machar and other South Sudanese leaders to embrace peace.

Read: Pope Francis urges South Sudan's leaders to end bloodshed

“The two leaders promised to work together for the sake of peace and it is during this time that Pope Francis planned to visit South Sudan, which he did in 2023,” the bishop said. “One could see that Pope Francis really wanted peace in South Sudan.”

“That he kissed the feet of the two leaders, kneeling, shows how he could go all the way to seek peace. That was a very radical gesture for the Holy See. His trips around the world were to create solidarity,” saidRev Paul Musawa, a Catholic priest in Bungoma Diocese.

“He meant a lot to the world, not only Catholics. He stood for values that cut across humanity. He stood for human dignity. He stood for the poorest. He was able to visit people even in their humble abode,” added Bishop Joseph Obanyi of Kakamega.

In 2018, the Vatican established a nunciature in South Sudan and Msgr Mark Kadima, was appointed to run it.

The Vatican established diplomatic relations with South Sudan in 2013, two years after it became independent.

Kiir and Machar’s visit to the Vatican was aimed at deepening relations between South Sudan and the Vatican, and the two leaders briefed the pontiff on the implementation of the 2018 peace process, which he was keen to see go to fruition.

The Pope made reference to the various elements of the important peace agreement that the government and Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in Opposition (SPLM – IO), the main rebel group, reached in Addis Ababa on September 12, 2018.

He had Caritas Internationalis provide aid to the war-stricken people of South Sudan and repeatedly called on the international community to make greater and renewed efforts to find a solution to the conflict that has left half of the country’s 7.3 million people hungry every day.

The Tumaini talks, the Nairobi process that brought together the various stakeholders in the South Sudan peace process were initially championed by the Sant’Egidio, a Christian community born in 1968, right after the second Vatican Council.

The Community of Sant’Egidio had been hosting peace talks between the Revitalised Transitional Government of National Unity (RTGoNU) of South Sudan, the South Sudan Opposition Movements Alliance-South Sudan United Front/Army (SSOMA SSUF/A) and SSOMA-Real Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SSOMA Real SPLM).

Read: South Sudan crisis puts damper on Tumaini talks

Later the talks were transferred to Nairobi and Kenyan renowned mediator Lt-Gen(rtd) Lazaro Sumbeiywo was chosen to lead them.

But the TgoNU is limping with cracks emerging after the arrest of Dr Machar over violence by militia related to him and government troops and the ensuing uncertainty has thrown into disarray, the Nairobi talks, which the Pope had endorsed.

Of key concern is that the Revitalised Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (R-ARCSS)— on which Tumaini Initiative was anchored— has been violated.

Meanwhile, Machar remains in custody as the political pact unravels.

Pope Francis must have been exasperated.

Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have agreed to refrain from providing state military support to each other’s non-state armed groups within and across their borders, in a declaration of principles signed under the auspices of a US-brokered agreement on Friday.

The agreement, signed in Washington and facilitated by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, opens the door to a possible peace deal between the two countries, which have long traded accusations of backing each other’s rebels.

Both countries agreed to “commit to explore the establishment of a joint security coordination mechanism to counter non-state armed groups and criminal organisations that threaten the Participants’ legitimate security concerns,” according to part of the agreement.

In the deal, which is seen as a way to halt hostilities in the restive eastern DRC region, both countries also pledged to “mutually acknowledge each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and commit to a pathway to resolve their disputes by peaceful means grounded in diplomacy and negotiation rather than hostile force or rhetoric.”

The agreement comes two days after a Qatar-mediated face-to-face dialogue between AFC/M23 rebels and the DRC government, which resulted in both parties agreeing to a ceasefire.

Read: Hope and frustration: Congo, M23 rebels agree ceasefire in Qatar

Rwanda has been widely accused of backing the M23 rebels, who have overrun and captured two major cities in eastern DRC – Goma and Bukavu – in the past three months and showed no signs of slowing down.

The latest development is seen as a major reprieve, especially for the people of eastern DRC, who have known no peace for years, with hundreds of thousands living in internally displaced camps.

As part of the Declaration of Principles, the two sides also committed to facilitating the safe and voluntary return of internally displaced persons to their original places of residence in eastern DRC, as well as Congolese refugees.

The DRC and Rwanda also committed to drafting a peace deal by May 2, a goal that now seems within reach given the recent thawing of hostilities and rhetoric from all parties.

“Today marks not an end but a beginning, a necessary step towards peace taken with resolve and purpose. This moment carries particular weight for the Democratic Republic of the Congo,” said DRC Foreign Affairs Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner after signing the declaration.

“In Goma, in Bukavu, and beyond, the reality of displacement, insecurity, and hardship continues. For us, the urgency of this initiative is not theoretical, it is human.

“We are clear in the Great Lakes region: peace must come first, followed by the rebuilding of trust, and then — only when conditions are right — the careful reopening of a path to meaningful bilateral cooperation. Too many past efforts have failed because sequencing was ignored and accountability postponed,” she added.

Rwanda’s Foreign Affairs Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe noted that the agreement marks an important step towards addressing the region’s existing security concerns, which, if tackled, could unlock its economic potential.

“Today, we are talking about the real issues, the root causes that must be addressed to achieve a lasting peace in our region. Those include, first and foremost, security, as well as the return of refugees.

“In addition, and very importantly, we are discussing how to build new regional economic value chains that link our countries, including with American private sector investment. Our goal is a secure region, free of violent ethnic extremism, which is well-governed. Working together, our region can be an engine of prosperity for all our peoples, and indeed Africa as a whole,” said Mr Nduhungirehe.

Securing the eastern part of the DRC is expected to unlock significant investment opportunities, “including those facilitated by the US government and US private sector, aimed at transforming the regional economy to the benefit of all participating countries.”

The US recently signed a minerals deal with the DRC and is reported to be pursuing a similar agreement with Rwanda. Addressing the hostilities in the mineral-rich region — home to resources such as tantalum and gold — is seen as key to securing US government investments and interests in the Great Lakes region.

Belgium said on Friday that while it still considers Rwanda a key player in the region and well-placed to resolve the conflict in eastern Congo, it cannot be complacent about Rwanda’s violation of Congo’s territorial integrity.

Maxime Prévot, Belgium’s Vice-Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, European Affairs and Development Cooperation, said this during a meeting with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni.

While the Belgian official sought President Museveni’s tact in defusing the crisis in eastern Congo, it is also understood that the meeting was double-barrelled, seeking the veteran Ugandan leader’s reach to mend relations between Belgium and Rwanda.

In his own words, Mr Prévot described President Museveni as “a very valuable go-between in diplomatic contacts.”

At a press conference in Kampala, Mr Prévot, who is on a tour of Uganda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), said he had met Mr Museveni first to tap into his knowledge of the region and the respect he commands among his peers — qualities Belgium views as key to resolving the conflict in eastern Congo and fostering rapprochement between Belgium and Rwanda.

The Belgian foreign minister’s itinerary skips Rwanda, following the recent diplomatic fallout between Kigali and Brussels, which saw Kigali sever ties with Belgium.

“Unfortunately, it is at this stage no longer possible for me to visit Rwanda following its decision to break down our diplomatic relations. I explained to President Museveni that there is a lot of disinformation about this situation. A breakdown of diplomatic relations is not a solution to divergent views,” Mr Prévot said.

Read: Rwanda and Belgium expel each other’s diplomats over Congo conflict

The two leaders discussed the current state of the conflict in eastern DRC, a situation that remains extremely precarious, with the local population paying the price every day. They agreed there is urgent need to act.

“During the meeting, I also underlined that the root causes of the conflict must be addressed in order to break the cycle of violence,” he added.

The Belgian official explained that respecting the territorial integrity of all countries in the region, promoting regional economic integration, resolving refugee issues, ending the threat posed by the FDLR, combating hate speech targeting specific communities, and improving governance and respect for human rights would help de-escalate the conflict and the tension between the DRC and Rwanda.

FDLR is the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, a Hutu rebel group that includes perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide and is active in eastern Congo.

On relations with Kigali, Mr Prévot said Brussels believes there is always room for dialogue and a better understanding of each other’s perspectives, noting that even with the Russian Federation under sanctions after Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine, Belgium has maintained diplomatic relations, albeit at a more limited level.

However, the Belgian chief diplomat said his country cannot be complacent about Rwanda’s violation of the DRC’s territorial integrity, although Belgium is not seeking an escalation of the situation.

Belgium said it welcomed the announcement by the DRC and rebel group M23/AFC to work towards a truce and a ceasefire leading to dialogue to restore lasting peace in the mineral-rich and conflict-plagued eastern Congo.

At the same time, a further boost of positive news came from Washington, where the foreign ministers of the DRC and Rwanda signed a declaration of principles under the auspices of the US, which recently struck deals with Kinshasa to help end the crisis in eastern Congo.

Brussels says these are crucial steps towards ending the violence, and also hails the mediation efforts of Qatar, the African Union, and regional blocs East African Community and Southern African Development Community.

A close coordination of these initiatives is of the utmost importance, the Belgian embassy in Kampala said in a statement issued after the meeting between Mr Prévot and President Museveni.

“The Belgian position will continue to be anchored in respect for international law, human rights and the rule of law,” the statement added.

At least 40 people have died of flood-related causes in East African capitals Nairobi, Kinshasa, Kigali and Kampala since the beginning of the month, with 2,165 displaced in Tanzania.

In Rwanda, the government has relocated 728 households as the region battles the latest round of tragedy wrought by torrential rains in the region.

Read: Tanzania battles floods as roads, farms damaged, people displaced

City authorities and other administrators have been – once again – caught flatfooted, even as meteorological organisations forecast heaving rains and flooding in the region.

At least 33 people died in the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo on April 8 while nine flood-related deaths were reported in Rwanda in the first two weeks of April.

In Kenya, at least nine people have lost their lives in the past week while seven died in Kampala. Rwanda’s Ministry of Emergency Preparedness said some 118 houses, 88 hectares of farmland and six bridges weredestroyed in different parts of the country.

“Authorities are doing everything possible to relocate people from the different high risk zones around the city. The emergency response prioritises houses that have been partially destroyed and those in a bad state,” said Emma Claudine, city of Kigali spokesperson.

Poor planning, drainage and waste management have been cited as major causes of recurring floods in the cities.

Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja admitted that the capital Nairobi is unprepared for floods, identifying bad drainage as part of the cause.

“The amount of rain that is coming down is higher than ever before. A lot of our drains were designed for a smaller capacity of seasonal rain in the city,” the governor said.

Three deaths occurred in Mukuru Kwa Reuben slums in Nairobi and more than 500 residents displaced by flush floods.

The floods, triggered by heavy rains, inadequate drainage systems and sewage blockage caused by poor dumping of waste have led to floods causing significant damage to homes and infrastructure across parts of Nairobi.

Geoffrey Ruku, Public Service Cabinet Secretary this week asked the Nairobi County government, Nairobi Sewerage Company and Nairobi River Commission to fix the city’s drainage systems.

The Kenya Meteorological Department had forecast rains across the country from April 22 to 28.

“Isolated heavy rainfall is expected over some parts of the highlands east and west of the Rift Valley, the Lake Victoria Basin, the Central and South Rift Valley, the Southeastern lowlands, the Coast and Northeastern Kenya,” the Met said.

Floods in Kampala

In Kampala, Metropolitan Police Deputy Police Spokesperson, Luke Owoyesigyire reported motor accidents, pedestrians swept away by fast-moving water, and significant property damage.

The floods in Kampala are exacerbated by a combination of natural and human factors, including rapid urbanisation, wetland encroachment, deforestation, and poor drainage.

The World Bank and the Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery (GFDRR) report, ‘Kampala Disaster Risk and Climate Change Resilience Strategy’ says that every year, Kampala faces average damage of $49.6 million from floods.

“More than 170,000 people are frequently affected by floods,and more than 10 percent of all jobs and main roads lie in flood-prone areas,” the report said, explaining why East African capitals are unprepared for natural calamities, especially those caused by rain.

In DRC, experts point to the lack of necessary drainage that has plagued Kinshasa, a densely populated city, for over a decade.

Kinshasa’ urban expansion into the floodplains is also to blame. Land-use change and environmental degradation were identified as key factors shaping flood vulnerability in Kinshasa and across central DRC explaining why the country continues to experience floods each year.

Read: Why Kinshasa keeps flooding - and why it’s not just about the rain

In Tanzania, authorities say heavy rains have displaced 2,165 people.

The Congolese Minister for Information and Communication Patrick Muyaya spoke with Jackson Mutinda on peace in eastern DRC and why Kinshasa is frustrated with some of the processes.

First, let’s talk about the security situation in eastern Congo. How is it now?

We cannot say that the situation is good while our population is under occupation by Rwandan military and M23. Because, on daily basis, there are reports of human rights abuse and violations and attack on civilians. So, we cannot say the situation is good.

So, what is the government or military doing about the situation?

The question, actually, is not at the military level, because we have a diplomatic process. If you read the last resolution of the United Nations (Security Council), it’s clear that it’s not the military. So, we are working on diplomatic ways to find a quick way to make sure our police and army get back to Goma and Bukavu and other parts of these (Kivu) provinces to handle the security of our population.

I understand that the Qatar process has broken down. What happened?

I don’t think the discussions have broken down. I don’t know why this is being said, but we need to refer to the mediation. You remember the President (Tshisekedi), and President Kagame met with the Emir, the leader of Qatar (Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani) and a statement was made.

I don’t know the status, but in our perspective, we met in Qatar following the meeting of both presidents and the conversation went well. We expect to see more progress on the ground. Currently, there is respect of the ceasefire, there is no confrontation.

Read: Hope and frustration: Congo, M23 rebels agree ceasefire in Qatar

Aren’t there too many peace processes going on? Which one are you really working with: Qatar, EAC-SADC, AU?

There is one process -- what is happening in Qatar. And what is happening currently under the Togolese president (Faure Gnassingbé) has the same objective.

In Qatar, there’s direct conversation between security experts from the (DRC) government and people from M23, and I think this will be connected, because, you know, in the past, we had, the Luanda Process under the Angolan president, who has been replaced by the Togolese president, and we have the Nairobi Process.

One part of the Nairobi Process travelled to Qatar to make sure we are moving quickly to bring back peace in this part of our country. So, there is one process with only one objective -- to bring back peace in eastern part of the country.

Now we have a new (AU) mediator, the Togo president. Some critics wonder if he will succeed where Lourenço and Uhuru Kenyatta failed.

Well, I’m not sure both processes failed. Because there are things, agreements, programmes… We cannot just wake up and say in Luanda there’s nothing. Today, we have the foundation of what can bring definitive solutions. But one thing is critical in this process: political will. Because, if the Rwandan president had the political will I think on December 15 (2024), an agreement would have been signed (in Luanda). I hope, this time, with the mediation of the Togolese president, things will move in good direction.

Read: Togo’s President Gnassingbé walks into Great Lakes region powder keg

There have been fears among countries whose embassies were attacked in Kinshasa in January. Has the situation been resolved?

First, we, as government condemned those acts of violence against the embassies. Some of our populations can be really mad about the situation, but we cannot condone attacks on embassies. My colleague from Foreign Affairs had occasion to speak with all the affected countries to express our apologies about what happened. Today, the situation is totally different.

Kenya was demanding compensation for the property destroyed. How is that going?

Those type of questions are under my Foreign Affairs colleague, but you saw that there was a Congolese delegation that went to see President Ruto. And that’s why Kenya’s role is very critical. You said that the Nairobi Process failed. If this process failed, it’s a failure of Kenya.

President Ruto has political will to deliver. When he speaks publicly, he says that he’s committed to peace, but you cannot be committed to peace just by saying it -- you need to act. Maybe he should act more, as should all the heads of state in the region, so we can move quickly to achieve the peace we want for the region.

Yea, Nairobi hosted (AFC leader Corneille) Nangaa when he launched the Congo River Alliance, and (Joseph) Kabila was here this year to meet with his party leaders. How do you take that for a country that is supposed to be negotiating for peace?

Nangaa started his movement in Nairobi. We made it clear we cannot accept that a country we’ve been working with to bring back peace in the region was chosen as the country where another rebellion was being launched. This is not acceptable, and we made that clear, and I hope people in Kenya are watching where it’s going. President Ruto is committed for peace, the most important thing is to see him act.

The return of former President Kabila in Congo seems to have brought a new dimension to the conflict…

We all know that President Kabila, when he decided to come back, came to support M23. He made a statement, justifying what M23 is doing. It’s just incredible to see that the president will be fighting with those proxies he fought against years when he was in power. Today, he’s backing them. It’s a big contradiction.

So why has government sanctioned his party?

Because we all know that he’s not working for himself, and there is some intelligence that there is a link between him and AFC.

Read: Congo suspends former president Joseph Kabila’s political party

And why is his property being seized?

I cannot comment on that because it in under Justice, and I think they will come out and explain what is going on with that.

Let’s talk about the American role in in the Congo. We have read that after Trump’s Special Adviser visited, there is a deal between Congo and America for America to support peace and Congo to provide minerals, is that the correct position?

I would like to remind you that there is a very old relationship between the United States and Congo. We signed one contract for a mining site. Dr (Massad) Boulos made it clear to the President Kagame that he should withdraw his troops from eastern DRC and stop supporting M23.

Read: Congo, Rwanda take step towards peace with US accord amid mineral talks

So where does the US private military contractor Erik Prince fit in all this?

I don’t have any details on that matter.

Read: US Blackwater founder Erik Prince reaches deal with Congo to secure mines

Now, a while back, you spoke about the hopes of Kinshasa in joining the EAC. What is your assessment? Has DR Congo gained anything from the East African bloc?

When President Tshisekedi decided to join East African Community, some Congolese were not happy. So why the President make that decision? Because he believes we should connect our populations.

But you cannot attack a country you’re in an organisation with. We cannot talk about business, about the economy, about sharing, about connection between countries, because we have war, and I think it’s crucial for the leaders of the East African Community to work to make sure the peace is back.

Once the peace will be back in the region, it will be good for the EAC because one of its top objectives is to see people do business in the region. But you cannot do business, you cannot become prosperous in a region where there is war.

Final thoughts?

We as DRC are committed to work closely with all the African countries, especially from East African Community, and especially Kenya, to strengthen our economic relationship and move forward. For example, there is two main Kenyan banks here in DRC and this should be considered by the Kenyan administration when taking some decisions.

Because it’s very critical to keep our economic relations good for our two populations. So I hope that all the stakeholders, especially on the Kenyan side, will continue to work to bring back peace.