As the African Union Mission in Somalia (Amisom) closes in on the key Al Shabaab stronghold of Kismayu, the head of its Political Unit, Basile Gateretse, spoke to Fred Oluoch on Amisom’s successes, challenges and the way forward.

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What will the second phase of Amisom operation look like?

The second phase will involved working  beyond Mogadishu and implementing the three components of military, civilian and police components. The civilian component is very important at this stage when the military seizes the whole country to ensure that the population gets what they expected with the exit of Al-Shabaab.

What needs to be done to ensure that Somalia remains stable after elections and the capture of Kismayu?

There is a challenge here. You can secure the country militarily  but if the new dispensation is not well planned and doesn’t have a comprehensive programme to stabilise the country politically, you risk falling back into chaos.

Now what is required is to carry out political activity to ensure that the new government consults widely after the transition. There has been success on the political side; adoption of the provisional constitution and the election of parliamentarians. We are hopeful that presidential elections will be carried out smoothly.

Al Shabaab are said to be resorting to guerilla tactics in the face of defeat as a military force. Is Amisom prepared for counter-insurgency?

Amisom has been assisting the Somali security forces to deal with unconventional tactics.  But the main role in this kind of war has to be carried out by  Somali forces. Of course, Amisom will continue to work  hand in hand with the Somali security forces, but it is up to them to ensure that intelligence network  co-operates with the population to prevent such attacks. The communication strategy has to be clear, comprehensive and sustainable.

If Amisom succeeds where the UN failed in early 1990s, it will write a new chapter in global peace missions. Do you think it can be replicated elsewhere in Africa?

Why not? We hope that the success will be sustained by Somali people and their institutions. It can be replicated but every situation is unique and one must take into account different circumstances. But as a whole, Africans shall have proven that they are capable of providing African solutions to African problems. 

Part of the Amisom mandate was to create a conducive environment for national political dialogue. What is the position currently?

National political dialogue has been there but at a low level.  Political dialogue started with Somali partners, that is why TFG signed agreements with Ahlu Sunnah Waljamaa and Puntland administration to broaden the support. Although these agreements have not been fully implemented, they have kept the allies together.

Is the death of Meles Zenawi likely to have an impact on Ethiopia’s contribution to the stabilisation of Somalia?

I think Meles has played a prominent role in stabilising Somalia in many phases, even now Ethiopia is playing a crucial role when required. We don’t know the dynamics of Ethiopian politics as far as to whether the new prime minister is going to change policy in regards to Somalia. But from what I have gathered, the new leader is likely to maintain the same line of action.

What is the region doing to engage Eritrea so that it becomes part of the solution and not the problem?

Eritrea has been siding with Al Shabaab position, which is why it has been subjected to some UN sanctions. Now, what I understand is that Eritrea in the recent past has softened its position and the country does not officially support Al Shabaab.

If that is true, we encourage Eritrea to continue in that line; however, we know Eritrea was doing that to oppose Ethiopia. Siding with Al Shabaab constitutes a threat to the whole region

Have the national interests of troop contributing countries come in the way of quick success in defeating Al Shabaab?

It is difficult to make a judgement on the interests of the troop-contributing countries but Amisom is carrying out a mandate from the African Union. It is possible that some may have their own interests, but most of them have no interests other than seeing peace in Somalia. That was the reason why initially frontline countries like Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Djibouti were prevented from contributing troops to Somalia.
But we later realised that most African countries were not willing to commit their troops to Somalia. That is why Kenyan intervention was unavoidable.

TFG was a very weak government. What can be done to ensure that the incoming government is effective and can be felt all over the country?

I think to have a strong government will first require the support of Somali people, the region and the international community. If the elections are well conducted, we would call upon all stakeholders in Somalia to support the government for them to deliver on people’s expectations.

Once the entire country is liberated, what will be the role of Amisom?
Then Amisom will have to quit. Even if tomorrow the country is pacified and the people of Somalia think they are able to maintain their own security, then Amisom will have to embark on an immediate exit strategy.