Mercenaries now complicate Sudan war 

Sudan soldiers

Sudanese soldiers patrol a street in Gedaref city, Sudan, on January 14, 2024.

Photo credit: File | AFP

The Sudan may enter 2025 with more suffering as new players join the war there.

Mercenaries have entered the fray, brought in by shadowy players to pursue or shield their interests, complicating a conflict that had largely been between two protagonists – the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

This week, the sudanese army (SAF) revealed an alarming trend: Widespread deployment of mercenaries from diverse nationalities in the brutal conflict. These individuals, it said, have come from neighbouring African countries such as Chad, Mali, Niger, Cameroon, and South Sudan, as well as far-flung regions like Colombia. 

Footage circulating on social media shows mercenaries speaking in unfamiliar Arabic dialects or conversing in French, underscoring the international dimension of their involvement. Social media posts from countries such as Chad and Mali have even mourned some of the fighters who have died.

The recruitment of Colombians has drawn significant international attention. Colombian media said that about 300 retired soldiers, known for their extensive combat experience during the civil war there, were lured into Sudan with promises of lucrative security contracts for oil facilities. Once they arrived, they were thrust into combat zones. A former official from Colombia’s Ministry of Defence condemned these deceptive practices, highlighting the manipulation of ex-soldiers by shady recruitment networks.

The Colombian government, responding to these revelations, directly expressed regret and pledged to tighten oversight to prevent its nationals from being exploited in foreign conflicts.

Colombian ambassador to Egypt Anne Melania de Gaviria met Sudanese counterpart Emad-Eddin Mustafa Adawi to promise a “review” of laws governing recruitment of Colombian nationals to be mercenaries. 

“She conveyed her government's respect for the people and government of Sudan and non-interference in its internal affairs,” said a dispatch published by the Sudan News Agency (Sunna). 

Sudan said it would provide the Colombian side “with a comprehensive file on the participation of Colombian mercenaries in the aggressive war against the Sudanese state and its institutions.”

The RSF have long exploited cross-border dynamics to strengthen their ranks. Under the guise of combating illegal migration, the RSF established camps near Sudan’s borders with neighbouring countries. These camps were used to gather African migrants, who were then incorporated into RSF units. Over time, the RSF evolved into a powerful, multinational force backed by substantial financial support.

This transformation was facilitated by its control over lucrative goldmines in Darfur and consistent funding from the United Arab Emirates. These resources enabled the RSF to significantly expand its ranks, growing from 27,000 fighters to over 200,000 within three years. 

Dr Jihad Mashamoun, a Sudan analyst at the Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter, says that in bringing in mercenaries, the Sudan war could get longer and complicated. 

“For Sudan, this will result in dragging out the conflict until regional powers, including the UAE, stop their support of the sides in the war,” he told The EastAfrican

Beyond that, it means external powers can also mobilise mercenaries to be deployed anywhere they have interests in, he argued. It is simply an opportunity these entities have been waiting for.

The RSF has not commented on the mercenaries, but their network extends far beyond Sudan. In October, RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo claimed that Ukrainian, Azerbaijani, and Iranian mercenaries were fighting alongside the SAF, claims the army rejected. The RSF, meanwhile, maintains strong ties with armed groups and mercenaries across the region, including forces aligned with Khalifa Haftar in Libya, opposition groups in Chad, and militias in Central Africa, Mali and Burkina Faso. These relations have facilitated the smuggling of weapons and the recruitment of fighters, ensuring a steady influx of resources for the RSF. Reports also suggest that the United Arab Emirates has played a key role in sustaining these operations, providing logistical and intelligence support, as well as enabling arms transfers through regional allies.

The RSF’s ability to attract foreign fighters is largely due to the economic incentives it offers. Mercenaries are promised significantly higher salaries than those of local soldiers and benefits that are unattainable in their home countries. This is particularly attractive to individuals from impoverished or politically unstable nations, where economic opportunities are scarce.

But this mercenary model comes with risks. Questions of loyalty persist, as mercenaries are often motivated by financial gain and may defect if offered better terms by opposing forces. Furthermore, their involvement has intensified violence in Sudan, leading to an escalation of human rights violations, including mass killings, sexual violence, and the displacement of millions of people.

The deployment of mercenaries has exacerbated the already dire humanitarian crisis in Sudan. After 20 months of fighting, Sudan has seen at least 20,000 deaths, 750,000 on the brink of famine, and nearly 26 million food insecure. Some 11 million have been forced out of their homes.

Tom Fletcher, the United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, said the conflict has become a crisis of sexual violence, hunger and displacement. There has also been an outbreak of diseases and villages are no longer getting regular vaccination. 

The presence of mercenaries could prolong the conflict, increase civilian casualties, and destabilise neighbouring regions. The influx of foreign fighters could also lead to a rise in organised crime, human trafficking, and arms smuggling, as seen in Libya, further complicating efforts to restore peace, according to rights watchdogs who have monitored the Sudan war.

Mashamoun argued that, internationally, the role of the UAE will come under more scrutiny, given its latest enhanced strategic status with the US. Earlier in October, the US categorised the UAE as a major defence partner in the Middle East. It came even as Abu Dhabi fought back revelations by investigators, who found UAE planes had flown weapons to the RSF over the past year. On the floor of the UN Security Council, the UAE rejected the allegations, arguing it had in fact sent humanitarian aid.  

Additional reporting by Aggrey Mutambo