How Jimmy Carter touched Africa in a special way

By the time he died on December 29, 2024, Carter’s legacy on African politics and policies – though he was a one-term president – left a huge mark on the continent as he continued to engage with African politics beyond his White House tenure.

Two months before the 1980 Washington visit – in December 1979 – President Moi had met with Wilbert Le Melle, the US ambassador to Nairobi and Seychelles, and a visiting military diplomatic team from the Pentagon who were sounding out friendly nations about giving US forces access to bases during times of crisis. 

According to declassified papers, during that meeting, which happened against the backdrop of an Iranian hostage crisis, Moi told the Pentagon team that “the US would be allowed whatever level of access to Mombasa that it wished.” 

The team had at first made a presentation to Moi on the need for increased US military presence “to enhance stability, and deterrence of external threats.”

Carter was not only seeking global support to back US retaliation against the Soviet Union moves in Afghanistan, but also struggling to secure the release of 50 hostages held by Iran militants at the US embassy in Tehran.  

Moi, in support of Carter’s anti-Soviet policies, had announced that Kenya would boycott the Olympics in Russia after a State House meeting with Carter’s sports emissary, legendary boxer Muhammad Ali.

“Carter valued loyalty,” one commentator wrote. “Loyalty, in Carter’s book, was characteristic of a loyal person.”

Ogaden war

Despite some flaws in his decision-making, Carter influenced Horn of Africa politics by persuading Somalia President Siad Barre to drop his territorial claims to northern Kenya and Djibouti. But, a major misunderstanding arose in June 1977, when a White House letter delivered to Barre led him to believe he had Wahsington’s tacit approval to invade Ethiopia’s Ogaden region. 

Barre misinterpreted this diplomatic communication, expecting US military support—a grave miscalculation. It could also have been a reflection of Carter’s politics. 

“There was, indeed, a bloodlessness to Carter’s leadership… He saw the world through Cold War glasses,” wrote Nancy Mitchel in “Jimmy Carter in Africa.”

Ethiopia, backed decisively by the Soviet Union and bolstered by 17,000 Cuban troops, emerged victorious in the Ogaden War as Carter watched the collapse of a possible ally on the Horn of Africa. Barre's defeat in the conflict significantly weakened his regime, setting the stage for his eventual downfall and the collapse of Somalia.

Barre's misjudgment may have stemmed from Carter’s inaugural address, which emphasised the right to reunite families and protection against discrimination based on sex, religion, and ethnicity. 

Diplomatic historian Jeffrey A. Lefebvre later observed, “Siad Barre may very well have misinterpreted Carter’s personal message and misjudged the new administration’s commitment to an active policy of containment, assuming that a Somali attack against a Soviet client state would be welcomed by Washington.”

This critical misinterpretation ultimately reshaped the region's geopolitics. Kenya and Djibouti were worried that a Somalia victory in Ogaden would see Barre turn his sights on the two contested regions inhabited by Somali clans. The Carter administration was not clear on that. 

Idi Amin

In Uganda, Carter had raised the question of Idi Amin’s human rights record, and especially the disappearances of his critics and perceived enemies. Amin instituted a commission of inquiry into the disappearance of people since 1971, headed by the Chief Justice. The team cleared Amin and the dictator started intimidating US citizens in Uganda.  

He told Carter: “The Archbishop (Janani Luwum) and the two Cabinet ministers were killed in a car accident…the doctor who carried out the post-mortem is not my relative. He is a Christian and belongs to the same tribe as the late Oboth Ofumbi, former minister for Internal Affairs.”

Amin further reminded Carter, in a letter, that the US “has the highest record of assassination, including those of her Presidents and religious leaders …and millions of indiscriminate killings with B-52 bombers and napalm bombs in Vietnam, Cambodia and Korea.”

In the initial stages of his administration, President Carter resisted taking further action against Amin, despite the closure of the US embassy in Kampala. Early in 1978, when the Senate was preparing to vote on a resolution supporting a trade ban against Uganda, Carter personally intervened to block its passage. He expressed concerns that such a ban might jeopardise the safety of Americans in Uganda and it conflicted with his free trade policies.

But, in June 1978, the Senate ultimately approved an embargo on Uganda’s coffee exports, which were the regime’s primary source of foreign exchange. This measure significantly weakened Amin’s government. Despite the embargo, certain American companies and State agencies continued business dealings with the Amin regime. Amin’s rule eventually came to an end in April 1979, when Tanzanian forces ousted him.

Anti-apartheid advocate

After he left power in 1980, Carter became an anti-apartheid advocate and urged the US to work with the African National Congress “to bring about a peaceful resolution to this problem permanently. Through economic and political pressures.”  

Carter’s position was that the US should apply “the most stringent sanctions against President P.W. Botha’s government to force an end to apartheid.” By then, five million South African whites dominated 24 million voteless blacks – and outlawed ANC and jailed its leadership, including Nelson Mandela.  

In 1986, Congress banned new US investments in South Africa, prohibited the importation of its products, and revoked landing privileges for South African Airways.

It was under Carter’s administration that UN Resolution 435 (The birth of independent Namibia) was passed on September 29, 1978 and led to the creation of the Five Western Contact Group. It was this resolution that put forward proposals for a ceasefire between South West Africa People's Organisation (Swapo) and Pretoria, and laid ground for UN-supervised elections and led to Namibia's independence. 

Carter's involvement in mediating the 1999 Nairobi Agreement between Uganda and Sudan to resolve the conflict in northern Uganda showed his commitment to peace and human rights. His diplomatic approach, and inclusion of President Moi, demonstrated his ability to bridge divides in even the most complex and hostile conflicts.

By earning the trust of both Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni, Carter facilitated a rare cooperation in a region often marred by violence and mutual suspicion.

Carter Centre

This role in East Africa revealed Carter’s lifelong mission of rapprochement in Sudan and Uganda. Scholars argue that the Carter Centre exemplified how non-state actors can play major roles in fostering sustainable peace.

Carter dedicated his later years to the global eradication of Guinea worm disease, tirelessly championing this cause through the Carter Centre. Until his passing, he remained steadfast in his commitment to eliminating this debilitating illness. 

In 2022, the Carter Centre convened an important summit, gathering representatives from the last bastions of the disease — Angola, Cameroon, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Mali, South Sudan, and Sudan. At this historic meeting, these nations pledged to intensify their efforts, marking a significant step toward achieving the dream of a world free from Guinea worm.

Because of Carter’s neutrality, the Carter Centre acquired his character and became a trusted intermediary, playing a significant role in supervising elections around Africa. But this was not always easy. 

Carter had been instrumental in the collapse of Ian Smith’s regime and Zimbabwe’s independence in April 1980. The CIA noted in an April 1980 dossier that “Mugabe has been cool toward the Soviets” though “he has stated that he looks upon the US as an ally rather than an opponent because of our support for the negotiated Lancaster House settlement”.  

The Soviets had backed Joshua Nkomo, Mugabe’s rival, while he himself was pro-Western. During his inauguration in 1980, Mugabe is reported to have snubbed the Soviet delegation. 

But, though Carter had once hosted Mugabe at the White House shortly after Zimbabwe’s independence, a dramatic twist three decades later would see Mugabe deny him a visa. Undeterred, Carter stationed himself in neighbouring South Africa, demonstrating his devotion to democracy, even in the face of political adversity.

Arab-Israel normalisation

In North Africa, Carter’s legacy was on the 1978 signing of Camp David Peace Accord between Egypt and Israel. The ground-breaking peace agreement marked the first time an Arab nation officially recognised Israel, significantly altering the geopolitical dynamics of the Middle East and North Africa. More so, it took place at a period when Israel was ostracised by various African nations. 

Carter is considered the father of Arab-Israel normalisation after Anwar Sadat and Prime Minister Menachem Begin concluded the peace treaty that formally ended the conflict between the two countries.

Carter strode the African politics like a colossus. Despite his soft-spoken approach, his impact was profound, particularly in the areas he touched. His exceptional negotiation skills and credibility enabled him to champion human rights and promote democratic governance across the continent. Some writers, however, think he was a complex man in a complex era. One wrote: “He believed in forgiveness, but was not forgiving…he exercised patience, but was not patient.” 

Though he walked with soft steps, his footprint is in many of the areas that he touched. His negotiation skills and believability allowed him to leave a mark on the continent as he championed human rights and democratic systems of governance – mostly after he stepped out of White House.