How many people in Tanzania can claim to know or have read the true history of Zanzibar? Until we understand it, we will never be able to prescribe a solution to the problems on the Isles.

Everyone knows that CUF has won every election in Zanzibar since the advent of multiparty politics but has never been allowed to rule.

Seif Sharrif Hamad knows this and he knows why.

Zanzibaris know that their problems (social and economic) can never be fixed by a one-man, one-vote system, which explains what that lady was saying in the video clip that was circulating earlier.

She said that what they have in Zanzibar is a revolutionary government that took power by force from the oppressor (the sultan) and they will never surrender that power except by force.

What many people (including the US) don’t understand is that the people in power in Zanzibar today are the formerly oppressed (slaves and other social underclasses) of the era of the Sultanate. CUF members are largely descendants of the former ruling classes in Zanzibar.

The social problems and economic inequalities that existed before the revolution such as the mistreatment and exploitation of the slaves and the vengeful acts of the post-revolution leadership against the Arabs in Zanzibar (forced marriages, dispossession, torture and murder under Karume’s rule) have never been openly discussed, meaning that no genuine reconciliation of the two communities has taken place on the islands.

Even the assassination of the elder Karume has never been properly explained nor the reasons behind it analysed. Obviously his violent death had to do with the issues I alluded to above.

Under the circumstances, the tenuous peace that Zanzibar has enjoyed over the past five decades has been made possible by the Union in its current structure, which makes defence, foreign affairs and internal affairs Union matters.

Left to their own devices, the Zanzibaris would be at each other’s throats in a minute and we on the mainland would have to deal with the consequences of such an eventuality.

Having said that, the Union itself is vastly flawed and cannot be relied upon to offer a lasting solution to this complex social and economic problem.

It is not surprising therefore that a section of Zanzibaris resent the Union and view it as an alien imposition not reflecting the will of the people of Zanzibar.
Now what do we do?

I think this year’s election has provided us with an opportunity to deal with this problem once and for all.

Zanzibaris need to immediately start consultations on two issues but in the proper sequence.

First should be the issue of government design and how power will be shared between the parties on the island to make sure neither of the two social groups dominates and disenfranchises the other.

Obviously this will have to be preceded by a process of reconciliation and acknowledgement of the wrongs that both sides have committed against each other.

The second and more complex step would have to be an internal Zanzibari conversation on the merits of the Union with mainland Tanzania.

This discussion should ideally culminate in a referendum similar to what was done in Scotland recently.

A NO vote should mean that Zanzibar will be allowed to exit the Union structure in 25 years if a second and final referendum confirms the same outcome.

We need the 25-year notice to end the current arrangement in order to allow enough time for both members of the current Union to adjust to such an outcome and to also allow the next generation of Zanzibaris an opportunity to have a say in what will be their destiny.

It is important to note that the first referendum will be decided by people who were/have been actively involved in the revolution and its aftermath and hence lack objectivity.

The Americans and others who are issuing statements of concern following the annulment of the elections in Zanzibar are doing so out of ignorance of facts or lack of care. They should therefore be ignored.

It is time for us Tanzanians to solve our own problems and shape our future.